Islamic Forex Trading By Dr Mohammed Obaidullah

| Friday, December 25, 2009
1. The Basic Exchange Contracts
There is a general consensus among Islamic jurists on the view that currencies of different countries can be exchanged on a spot basis at a rate different from unity, since currencies of different countries are distinct entities with different values or intrinsic worth, and purchasing power. There also seems to be a general agreement among a majority of scholars on the view that currency exchange on a forward basis is not permissible, that is, when the rights and obligations of both parties relate to a future date. However, there is considerable difference of opinion among jurists when the rights of either one of the parties, which is same as obligation of the counterparty, is deferred to a future date.

To elaborate, let us consider the example of two individuals A and B who belong to two different countries, India and US respectively. A intends to sell Indian rupees and buy U.S dollars. The converse is true for B. The rupee-dollar exchange rate agreed upon is 1:20 and the transaction involves buying and selling of $50. The first situation is that A makes a spot payment of Rs1000 to B and accepts payment of $50 from B. The transaction is settled on a spot basis from both ends. Such transactions are valid and Islamically permissible. There are no two opinions about the same. The second possibility is that settlement of the transaction from both ends is deferred to a future date, say after six months from now. This implies that both A and B would make and accept payment of Rs1000 or $50, as the case may be, after six months. The predominant view is that such a contract is not Islamically permissible. A minority view considers it permissible. The third scenario is that the transaction is partly settled from one end only. For example, A makes a payment of Rs1000 now to B in lieu of a promise by B to pay $50 to him after six months. Alternatively, A accepts $50 now from B and promises to pay Rs1000 to him after six months. There are diametrically opposite views on the permissibility of such contracts which amount to bai-salam in currencies. The purpose of this paper is to present a comprehensive analysis of various arguments in support and against the permissibility of these basic contracts involving currencies. The first form of contracting involving exchange of countervalues on a spot basis is beyond any kind of controversy. Permissibility or otherwise of the second type of contract in which delivery of one of the countervalues is deferred to a future date, is generally discussed in the framework of riba prohibition. Accordingly we discuss this contract in detail in section 2 dealing with the issue of prohibition of riba. Permissibility of the third form of contract in which delivery of both the countervalues is deferred, is generally discussed within the framework of reducing risk and uncertainty or gharar involved in such contracts. This, therefore, is the central theme of section 3 which deals with the issue of gharar. Section 4 attempts a holistic view of the Sharia relates issues as also the economic significance of the basic forms of contracting in the currency market.

2. The Issue of Riba Prohibition
The divergence of views1 on the permissibility or otherwise of exchange contracts in currencies can be traced primarily to the issue of riba prohibition.

The need to eliminate riba in all forms of exchange contracts is of utmost importance. Riba in its Sharia context is generally defined2 as an unlawful gain derived from the quantitative inequality of the countervalues in any transaction purporting to effect the exchange of two or more species (anwa), which belong to the same genus (jins) and are governed by the same efficient cause (illa). Riba is generally classified into riba al-fadl (excess) and riba al-nasia (deferment) which denote an unlawful advantage by way of excess or deferment respectively. Prohibition of the former is achieved by a stipulation that the rate of exchange between the objects is unity and no gain is permissible to either party. The latter kind of riba is prohibited by disallowing deferred settlement and ensuring that the transaction is settled on the spot by both the parties. Another form of riba is called riba al-jahiliyya or pre-Islamic riba which surfaces when the lender asks the borrower on the maturity date if the latter would settle the debt or increase the same. Increase is accompanied by charging interest on the amount initially borrowed.

The prohibition of riba in the exchange of currencies belonging to different countries requires a process of analogy (qiyas). And in any such exercise involving analogy (qiyas), efficient cause (illa) plays an extremely important role. It is a common efficient cause (illa), which connects the object of the analogy with its subject, in the exercise of analogical reasoning. The appropriate efficient cause (illa) in case of exchange contracts has been variously defined by the major schools of Fiqh. This difference is reflected in the analogous reasoning for paper currencies belonging to different countries.

A question of considerable significance in the process of analogous reasoning relates to the comparison between paper currencies with gold and silver. In the early days of Islam, gold and silver performed all the functions of money (thaman). Currencies were made of gold and silver with a known intrinsic value (quantum of gold or silver contained in them). Such currencies are described as thaman haqiqi, or naqdain in Fiqh literature. These were universally acceptable as principal means of exchange, accounting for a large chunk of transactions. Many other commodities, such as, various inferior metals also served as means of exchange, but with limited acceptability. These are described as fals in Fiqh literature. These are also known as thaman istalahi because of the fact that their acceptability stems not from their intrinsic worth, but due to the status accorded by the society during a particular period of time. The above two forms of currencies have been treated very differently by early Islamic jurists from the standpoint of permissibility of contracts involving them. The issue that needs to be resolved is whether the present age paper currencies fall under the former category or the latter. One view is that these should be treated at par with thaman haqiqi or gold and silver, since these serve as the principal means of exchange and unit of account like the latter. Hence, by analogous reasoning, all the Sharia-related norms and injunctions applicable to thaman haqiqi should also be applicable to paper currency. Exchange of thaman haqiqi is known as bai-sarf, and hence, the transactions in paper currencies should be governed by the Sharia rules relevant for bai-sarf. The contrary view asserts that paper currencies should be treated in a manner similar to fals or thaman istalahi because of the fact that their face value is different from their intrinsic worth. Their acceptability stems from their legal status within the domestic country or global economic importance (as in case of US dollars, for instance).

2.1. A Synthesis of Alternative Views

2.1.1. Analogical Reasoning (Qiyas) for Riba Prohibition

The prohibition of riba is based on the tradition that the holy prophet (peace be upon him) said, “Sell gold for gold, silver for silver, wheat for wheat, barley for barley, date for date, salt for salt, in same quantities on the spot; and when the commodities are different, sell as it suits you, but on the spot.” Thus, the prohibition of riba applies primarily to the two precious metals (gold and silver) and four other commodities (wheat, barley, dates and salt). It also applies, by analogy (qiyas) to all species which are governed by the same efficient cause (illa) or which belong to any one of the genera of the six objects cited in the tradition. However, there is no general agreement among the various schools of Fiqh and even scholars belonging to the same school on the definition and identification of efficient cause (illa) of riba.

For the Hanafis, efficient cause (illa) of riba has two dimensions: the exchanged articles belong to the same genus (jins); these possess weight (wazan) or measurability (kiliyya). If in a given exchange, both the elements of efficient cause (illa) are present, that is, the exchanged countervalues belong to the same genus (jins) and are all weighable or all measurable, then no gain is permissible (the exchange rate must be equal to unity) and the exchange must be on a spot basis. In case of gold and silver, the two elements of efficient cause (illa) are: unity of genus (jins) and weighability. This is also the Hanbali view according to one version3. (A different version is similar to the Shafii and Maliki view, as discussed below.) Thus, when gold is exchanged for gold, or silver is exchanged for silver, only spot transactions without any gain are permissible. It is also possible that in a given exchange, one of the two elements of efficient cause (illa) is present and the other is absent. For example, if the exchanged articles are all weighable or measurable but belong to different genus (jins) or, if the exchanged articles belong to same genus (jins) but neither is weighable nor measurable, then exchange with gain (at a rate different from unity) is permissible, but the exchange must be on a spot basis. Thus, when gold is exchanged for silver, the rate can be different from unity but no deferred settlement is permissible. If none of the two elements of efficient cause (illa) of riba are present in a given exchange, then none of the injunctions for riba prohibition apply. Exchange can take place with or without gain and both on a spot or deferred basis.

Considering the case of exchange involving paper currencies belonging to different countries, riba prohibition would require a search for efficient cause (illa). Currencies belonging to different countries are clearly distinct entities; these are legal tender within specific geographical boundaries with different intrinsic worth or purchasing power. Hence, a large majority of scholars perhaps rightly assert that there is no unity of genus (jins). Additionally, these are neither weighable nor measurable. This leads to a direct conclusion that none of the two elements of efficient cause (illa) of riba exist in such exchange. Hence, the exchange can take place free from any injunction regarding the rate of exchange and the manner of settlement. The logic underlying this position is not difficult to comprehend. The intrinsic worth of paper currencies belonging to different countries differ as these have different purchasing power. Additionally, the intrinsic value or worth of paper currencies cannot be identified or assessed unlike gold and silver which can be weighed. Hence, neither the presence of riba al-fadl (by excess), nor riba al-nasia (by deferment) can be established.

The Shafii school of Fiqh considers the efficient cause (illa) in case of gold and silver to be their property of being currency (thamaniyya) or the medium of exchange, unit of account and store of value . This is also the Maliki view. According to one version of this view, even if paper or leather is made the medium of exchange and is given the status of currency, then all the rules pertaining to naqdain, or gold and silver apply to them. Thus, according to this version, exchange involving currencies of different countries at a rate different from unity is permissible, but must be settled on a spot basis. Another version of the above two schools of thought is that the above cited efficient cause (illa) of being currency (thamaniyya) is specific to gold and silver, and cannot be generalized. That is, any other object, if used as a medium of exchange, cannot be included in their category. Hence, according to this version, the Sharia injunctions for riba prohibition are not applicable to paper currencies. Currencies belonging to different countries can be exchanged with or without gain and both on a spot or deferred basis.

Proponents of the earlier version cite the case of exchange of paper currencies belonging to the same country in defense of their version. The consensus opinion of jurists in this case is that such exchange must be without any gain or at a rate equal to unity and must be settled on a spot basis. What is the rationale underlying the above decision? If one considers the Hanafi and the first version of Hanbali position then, in this case, only one dimension of the efficient cause (illa) is present, that is, they belong to the same genus (jins). But paper currencies are neither weighable nor measurable. Hence, Hanafi law would apparently permit exchange of different quantities of the same currency on a spot basis. Similarly if the efficient cause of being currency (thamaniyya) is specific only to gold and silver, then Shafii and Maliki law would also permit the same. Needless to say, this amounts to permitting riba-based borrowing and lending. This shows that, it is the first version of the Shafii and Maliki thought which underlies the consensus decision of prohibition of gain and deferred settlement in case of exchange of currencies belonging to the same country. According to the proponents, extending this logic to exchange of currencies of different countries would imply that exchange with gain or at a rate different from unity is permissible (since there no unity of jins), but settlement must be on a spot basis.

2.1.2 Comparison between Currency Exchange and Bai-Sarf

Bai-sarf is defined in Fiqh literature as an exchange involving thaman haqiqi, defined as gold and silver, which served as the principal medium of exchange for almost all major transactions.

Proponents of the view that any exchange of currencies of different countries is same as bai-sarf argue that in the present age paper currencies have effectively and completely replaced gold and silver as the medium of exchange. Hence, by analogy, exchange involving such currencies should be governed by the same Sharia rules and injunctions as bai-sarf. It is also argued that if deferred settlement by either parties to the contract is permitted, this would open the possibilities of riba-al nasia.

Opponents of categorization of currency exchange with bai-sarf however point out that the exchange of all forms of currency (thaman) cannot be termed as bai-sarf. According to this view bai-sarf implies exchange of currencies made of gold and silver (thaman haqiqi or naqdain) alone and not of money pronounced as such by the state authorities (thaman istalahi). The present age currencies are examples of the latter kind. These scholars find support in those writings which assert that if the commodities of exchange are not gold or silver, (even if one of these is gold or silver) then, the exchange cannot be termed as bai-sarf. Nor would the stipulations regarding bai-sarf be applicable to such exchanges. According to Imam Sarakhsi4 “when an individual purchases fals or coins made out of inferior metals, such as, copper (thaman istalahi) for dirhams (thaman haqiqi) and makes a spot payment of the latter, but the seller does not have fals at that moment, then such exchange is permissible…….. taking possession of commodities exchanged by both parties is not a precondition” (while in case of bai-sarf, it is.) A number of similar references exist which indicate that jurists do not classify an exchange of fals (thaman istalahi) for another fals (thaman istalahi) or gold or silver (thaman haqiqi), as bai-sarf.

Hence, the exchanges of currencies of two different countries which can only qualify as thaman istalahi can not be categorized as bai-sarf. Nor can the constraint regarding spot settlement be imposed on such transactions. It should be noted here that the definition of bai-sarf is provided Fiqh literature and there is no mention of the same in the holy traditions. The traditions mention about riba, and the sale and purchase of gold and silver (naqdain) which may be a major source of riba, is described as bai-sarf by the Islamic jurists. It should also be noted that in Fiqh literature, bai-sarf implies exchange of gold or silver only; whether these are currently being used as medium of exchange or not. Exchange involving dinars and gold ornaments, both quality as bai-sarf. Various jurists have sought to clarify this point and have defined sarf as that exchange in which both the commodities exchanged are in the nature of thaman, not necessarily thaman themselves. Hence, even when one of the commodities is processed gold (say, ornaments), such exchange is called bai-sarf.

Proponents of the view that currency exchange should be treated in a manner similar to bai-sarf also derive support from writings of eminent Islamic jurists. According to Imam Ibn Taimiya “anything that performs the functions of medium of exchange, unit of account, and store of value is called thaman, (not necessarily limited to gold & silver). Similar references are available in the writings of Imam Ghazzali5 As far as the views of Imam Sarakhshi is concerned regarding exchange involving fals, according to them, some additional points need to be taken note of. In the early days of Islam, dinars and dirhams made of gold and silver were mostly used as medium of exchange in all major transactions. Only the minor ones were settled with fals. In other words, fals did not possess the characteristics of money or thamaniyya in full and was hardly used as store of value or unit of account and was more in the nature of commodity. Hence there was no restriction on purchase of the same for gold and silver on a deferred basis. The present day currencies have all the features of thaman and are meant to be thaman only. The exchange involving currencies of different countries is same as bai-sarf with difference of jins and hence, deferred settlement would lead to riba al-nasia.

Dr Mohamed Nejatullah Siddiqui illustrates this possibility with an example6. He writes “In a given moment in time when the market rate of exchange between dollar and rupee is 1:20, if an individual purchases $50 at the rate of 1:22 (settlement of his obligation in rupees deferred to a future date), then it is highly probable that he is , in fact, borrowing Rs. 1000 now in lieu of a promise to repay Rs. 1100 on a specified later date. (Since, he can obtain Rs 1000 now, exchanging the $50 purchased on credit at spot rate)” Thus, sarf can be converted into interest-based borrowing & lending.

2.1.3 Defining Thamaniyya is the Key ?

It appears from the above synthesis of alternative views that the key issue seems to be a correct definition of thamaniyya. For instance, a fundamental question that leads to divergent positions on permissibility relates to whether thamaniyya is specific to gold and silver, or can be associated with anything that performs the functions of money. We raise some issues below which may be taken into account in any exercise in reconsideration of alternative positions.

It should be appreciated that thamaniyya may not be absolute and may vary in degrees. It is true that paper currencies have completely replaced gold and silver as medium of exchange, unit of account and store of value. In this sense, paper currencies can be said to possess thamaniyya. However, this is true for domestic currencies only and may not be true for foreign currencies. In other words, Indian rupees possess thamaniyya within the geographical boundaries of India only, and do not have any acceptability in US. These cannot be said to possess thamaniyya in US unless a US citizen can use Indian rupees as a medium of exchange, or unit of account, or store of value. In most cases such a possibility is remote. This possibility is also a function of the exchange rate mechanism in place, such as, convertibility of Indian rupees into US dollars, and whether a fixed or floating exchange rate system is in place. For example, assuming free convertibility of Indian rupees into US dollars and vice versa, and a fixed exchange rate system in which the rupee-dollar exchange rate is not expected to increase or decrease in the foreseeable future, thamaniyya of rupee in US is considerably improved. The example cited by Dr Nejatullah Siddiqui also appears quite robust under the circumstances. Permission to exchange rupees for dollars on a deferred basis (from one end, of course) at a rate different from the spot rate (official rate which is likely to remain fixed till the date of settlement) would be a clear case of interest-based borrowing and lending. However, if the assumption of fixed exchange rate is relaxed and the present system of fluctuating and volatile exchange rates is assumed to be the case, then it can be shown that the case of riba al-nasia breaks down. We rewrite his example: “In a given moment in time when the market rate of exchange between dollar and rupee is 1:20, if an individual purchases $50 at the rate of 1:22 (settlement of his obligation in rupees deferred to a future date), then it is highly probable that he is , in fact, borrowing Rs. 1000 now in lieu of a promise to repay Rs. 1100 on a specified later date. (Since, he can obtain Rs 1000 now, exchanging the $50 purchased on credit at spot rate)” This would be so, only if the currency risk is non-existent (exchange rate remains at 1:20), or is borne by the seller of dollars (buyer repays in rupees and not in dollars). If the former is true, then the seller of the dollars (lender) receives a predetermined return of ten percent when he converts Rs1100 received on the maturity date into $55 (at an exchange rate of 1:20). However, if the latter is true, then the return to the seller (or the lender) is not predetermined. It need not even be positive. For example, if the rupee-dollar exchange rate increases to 1:25, then the seller of dollar would receive only $44 (Rs 1100 converted into dollars) for his investment of $50.

Here two points are worth noting. First, when one assumes a fixed exchange rate regime, the distinction between currencies of different countries gets diluted. The situation becomes similar to exchanging pounds with sterlings (currencies belonging to the same country) at a fixed rate. Second, when one assumes a volatile exchange rate system, then just as one can visualize lending through the foreign currency market (mechanism suggested in the above example), one can also visualize lending through any other organized market (such as, for commodities or stocks.) If one replaces dollars for stocks in the above example, it would read as: “In a given moment in time when the market price of stock X is Rs 20, if an individual purchases 50 stocks at the rate of Rs 22 (settlement of his obligation in rupees deferred to a future date), then it is highly probable that he is , in fact, borrowing Rs. 1000 now in lieu of a promise to repay Rs. 1100 on a specified later date. (Since, he can obtain Rs 1000 now, exchanging the 50 stocks purchased on credit at current price)” In this case too as in the earlier example, returns to the seller of stocks may be negative if stock price rises to Rs 25 on the settlement date. Hence, just as returns in the stock market or commodity market are Islamically acceptable because of the price risk, so are returns in the currency market because of fluctuations in the prices of currencies.

A unique feature of thaman haqiqi or gold and silver is that the intrinsic worth of the currency is equal to its face value. Thus, the question of different geographical boundaries within which a given currency, such as, dinar or dirham circulates, is completely irrelevant. Gold is gold whether in country A or country B. Thus, when currency of country A made of gold is exchanged for currency of country B, also made of gold, then any deviation of the exchange rate from unity or deferment of settlement by either party cannot be permitted as it would clearly involve riba al-fadl and also riba al-nasia. However, when paper currencies of country A is exchanged for paper currency of country B, the case may be entirely different. The price risk (exchange rate risk), if positive, would eliminate any possibility of riba al-nasia in the exchange with deferred settlement. However, if price risk (exchange rate risk) is zero, then such exchange could be a source of riba al-nasia if deferred settlement is permitted7.

Another point that merits serious consideration is the possibility that certain currencies may possess thamaniyya, that is, used as a medium of exchange, unit of account, or store of value globally, within the domestic as well as foreign countries. For instance, US dollar is legal tender within US; it is also acceptable as a medium of exchange or unit of account for a large volume of transactions across the globe. Thus, this specific currency may be said to possesses thamaniyya globally, in which case, jurists may impose the relevant injunctions on exchanges involving this specific currency to prevent riba al-nasia. The fact is that when a currency possesses thamaniyya globally, then economic units using this global currency as the medium of exchange, unit of account or store of value may not be concerned about risk arising from volatility of inter-country exchange rates. At the same time, it should be recognized that a large majority of currencies do not perform the functions of money except within their national boundaries where these are legal tender.

Riba and risk cannot coexist in the same contract. The former connotes a possibility of returns with zero risk and cannot be earned through a market with positive price risk. As has been discussed above, the possibility of riba al-fadl or riba al-nasia may arise in exchange when gold or silver function as thaman; or when the exchange involves paper currencies belonging to the same country; or when the exchange involves currencies of different countries following a fixed exchange rate system. The last possibility is perhaps unIslamic8 since price or exchange rate of currencies should be allowed to fluctuate freely in line with changes in demand and supply and also because prices should reflect the intrinsic worth or purchasing power of currencies. The foreign currency markets of today are characterised by volatile exchange rates. The gains or losses made on any transaction in currencies of different countries, are justified by the risk borne by the parties to the contract.

2.1.4. Possibility of Riba with Futures and Forwards

So far, we have discussed views on the permissibility of bai salam in currencies, that is, when the obligation of only one of the parties to the exchange is deferred. What are the views of scholars on deferment of obligations of both parties ? Typical example of such contracts are forwards and futures9. According to a large majority of scholars, this is not permissible on various grounds, the most important being the element of risk and uncertainty (gharar) and the possibility of speculation of a kind which is not permissible. This is discussed in section 3. However, another ground for rejecting such contracts may be riba prohibition. In the preceding paragraph we have discussed that bai salam in currencies with fluctuating exchange rates can not be used to earn riba because of the presence of currency risk. It is possible to demonstrate that currency risk can be hedged or reduced to zero with another forward contract transacted simultaneously. And once risk is eliminated, the gain clearly would be riba.

We modify and rewrite the same example: “In a given moment in time when the market rate of exchange between dollar and rupee is 1:20, an individual purchases $50 at the rate of 1:22 (settlement of his obligation in rupees deferred to a future date), and the seller of dollars also hedges his position by entering into a forward contract to sell Rs1100 to be received on the future date at a rate of 1:20, then it is highly probable that he is , in fact, borrowing Rs. 1000 now in lieu of a promise to repay Rs. 1100 on a specified later date. (Since, he can obtain Rs 1000 now, exchanging the 50 dollars purchased on credit at spot rate)” The seller of the dollars (lender) receives a predetermined return of ten percent when he converts Rs1100 received on the maturity date into 55 dollars (at an exchange rate of 1:20) for his investment of 50 dollars irrespective of the market rate of exchange prevailing on the date of maturity.

Another simple possible way to earn riba may even involve a spot transaction and a simultaneous forward transaction. For example, the individual in the above example purchases $50 on a spot basis at the rate of 1:20 and simultaneously enters into a forward contract with the same party to sell $50 at the rate of 1:21 after one month. In effect this implies that he is lending Rs1000 now to the seller of dollars for one month and earns an interest of Rs50 (he receives Rs1050 after one month. This is a typical buy-back or repo (repurchase) transaction so common in conventional banking.10

3. The Issue of Freedom from Gharar
3.1 Defining Gharar

Gharar, unlike riba, does not have a consensus definition. In broad terms, it connotes risk and uncertainty. It is useful to view gharar as a continuum of risk and uncertainty wherein the extreme point of zero risk is the only point that is well-defined. Beyond this point, gharar becomes a variable and the gharar involved in a real life contract would lie somewhere on this continuum. Beyond a point on this continuum, risk and uncertainty or gharar becomes unacceptable11. Jurists have attempted to identify such situations involving forbidden gharar. A major factor that contributes to gharar is inadequate information (jahl) which increases uncertainty. This is when the terms of exchange, such as, price, objects of exchange, time of settlement etc. are not well-defined. Gharar is also defined in terms of settlement risk or the uncertainty surrounding delivery of the exchanged articles.

Islamic scholars have identified the conditions which make a contract uncertain to the extent that it is forbidden. Each party to the contract must be clear as to the quantity, specification, price, time, and place of delivery of the contract. A contract, say, to sell fish in the river involves uncertainty about the subject of exchange, about its delivery, and hence, not Islamically permissible. The need to eliminate any element of uncertainty inherent in a contract is underscored by a number of traditions.12

An outcome of excessive gharar or uncertainty is that it leads to the possibility of speculation of a variety which is forbidden. Speculation in its worst form, is gambling. The holy Quran and the traditions of the holy prophet explicitly prohibit gains made from games of chance which involve unearned income. The term used for gambling is maisir which literally means getting something too easily, getting a profit without working for it. Apart from pure games of chance, the holy prophet also forbade actions which generated unearned incomes without much productive efforts.13

Here it may be noted that the term speculation has different connotations. It always involves an attempt to predict the future outcome of an event. But the process may or may not be backed by collection, analysis and interpretation of relevant information. The former case is very much in conformity with Islamic rationality. An Islamic economic unit is required to assume risk after making a proper assessment of risk with the help of information. All business decisions involve speculation in this sense. It is only in the absence of information or under conditions of excessive gharar or uncertainty that speculation is akin to a game of chance and is reprehensible.

3.2 Gharar & Speculation with of Futures & Forwards

Considering the case of the basic exchange contracts highlighted in section 1, it may be noted that the third type of contract where settlement by both the parties is deferred to a future date is forbidden, according to a large majority of jurists on grounds of excessive gharar. Futures and forwards in currencies are examples of such contracts under which two parties become obliged to exchange currencies of two different countries at a known rate at the end of a known time period. For example, individuals A and B commit to exchange US dollars and Indian rupees at the rate of 1: 22 after one month. If the amount involved is $50 and A is the buyer of dollars then, the obligations of A and B are to make a payments of Rs1100 and $50 respectively at the end of one month. The contract is settled when both the parties honour their obligations on the future date.

Traditionally, an overwhelming majority of Sharia scholars have disapproved such contracts on several grounds. The prohibition applies to all such contracts where the obligations of both parties are deferred to a future date, including contracts involving exchange of currencies. An important objection is that such a contract involves sale of a non-existent object or of an object not in the possession of the seller. This objection is based on several traditions of the holy prophet.14 There is difference of opinion on whether the prohibition in the said traditions apply to foodstuffs, or perishable commodities or to all objects of sale. There is, however, a general agreement on the view that the efficient cause (illa) of the prohibition of sale of an object which the seller does not own or of sale prior to taking possession is gharar, or the possible failure to deliver the goods purchased.

Is this efficient cause (illa) present in an exchange involving future contracts in currencies of different countries ? In a market with full and free convertibility or no constraints on the supply of currencies, the probability of failure to deliver the same on the maturity date should be no cause for concern. Further, the standardized nature of futures contracts and transparent operating procedures on the organized futures markets15 is believed to minimize this probability. Some recent scholars have opined in the light of the above that futures, in general, should be permissible. According to them, the efficient cause (illa), that is, the probability of failure to deliver was quite relevant in a simple, primitive and unorganized market. It is no longer relevant in the organized futures markets of today16. Such contention, however, continues to be rejected by the majority of scholars. They underscore the fact that futures contracts almost never involve delivery by both parties. On the contrary, parties to the contract reverse the transaction and the contract is settled in price difference only. For example, in the above example, if the currency exchange rate changes to 1: 23 on the maturity date, the reverse transaction for individual A would mean selling $50 at the rate of 1:23 to individual B. This would imply A making a gain of Rs50 (the difference between Rs1150 and Rs1100). This is exactly what B would lose. It may so happen that the exchange rate would change to 1:21 in which case A would lose Rs50 which is what B would gain. This obviously is a zero-sum game in which the gain of one party is exactly equal to the loss of the other. This possibility of gains or losses (which theoretically can touch infinity) encourages economic units to speculate on the future direction of exchange rates. Since exchange rates fluctuate randomly, gains and losses are random too and the game is reduced to a game of chance. There is a vast body of literature on the forecastability of exchange rates and a large majority of empirical studies have provided supporting evidence on the futility of any attempt to make short-run predictions. Exchange rates are volatile and remain unpredictable at least for the large majority of market participants. Needless to say, any attempt to speculate in the hope of the theoretically infinite gains is, in all likelihood, a game of chance for such participants. While the gains, if they materialize, are in the nature of maisir or unearned gains, the possibility of equally massive losses do indicate a possibility of default by the loser and hence, gharar.

3.3. Risk Management in Volatile Markets

Hedging or risk reduction adds to planning and managerial efficiency. The economic justification of futures and forwards is in term of their role as a device for hedging. In the context of currency markets which are characterized by volatile rates, such contracts are believed to enable the parties to transfer and eliminate risk arising out of such fluctuations. For example, modifying the earlier example, assume that individual A is an exporter from India to US who has already sold some commodities to B, the US importer and anticipates a cashflow of $50 (which at the current market rate of 1:22 mean Rs 1100 to him) after one month. There is a possibility that US dollar may depreciate against Indian rupee during these one month, in which case A would realize less amount of rupees for his $50 ( if the new rate is 1:21, A would realize only Rs1050 ). Hence, A may enter into a forward or future contract to sell $50 at the rate of 1:21.5 at the end of one month (and thereby, realize Rs1075) with any counterparty which, in all probability, would have diametrically opposite expectations regarding future direction of exchange rates. In this case, A is able to hedge his position and at the same time, forgoes the opportunity of making a gain if his expectations do not materialize and US dollar appreciates against Indian rupee (say, to 1:23 which implies that he would have realized Rs1150, and not Rs1075 which he would realize now.) While hedging tools always improve planning and hence, performance, it should be noted that the intention of the contracting party – whether to hedge or to speculate, can never be ascertained.

It may be noted that hedging can also be accomplished with bai salam in currencies. As in the above example, exporter A anticipating a cash inflow of $50 after one month and expecting a depreciation of dollar may go for a salam sale of $50 (with his obligation to pay $50 deferred by one month.) Since he is expecting a dollar depreciation, he may agree to sell $50 at the rate of 1: 21.5. There would be an immediate cash inflow in Rs 1075 for him. The question may be, why should the counterparty pay him rupees now in lieu of a promise to be repaid in dollars after one month. As in the case of futures, the counterparty would do so for profit, if its expectations are diametrically opposite, that is, it expects dollar to appreciate. For example, if dollar appreciates to 1: 23 during the one month period, then it would receive Rs1150 for Rs 1075 it invested in the purchase of $50. Thus, while A is able to hedge its position, the counterparty is able to earn a profit on trading of currencies. The difference from the earlier scenario is that the counterparty would be more restrained in trading because of the investment required, and such trading is unlikely to take the shape of rampant speculation.
4. Summary & Conclusion
Currency markets of today are characterized by volatile exchange rates. This fact should be taken note of in any analysis of the three basic types of contracts in which the basis of distinction is the possibility of deferment of obligations to future. We have attempted an assessment of these forms of contracting in terms of the overwhelming need to eliminate any possibility of riba, minimize gharar, jahl and the possibility of speculation of a kind akin to games of chance. In a volatile market, the participants are exposed to currency risk and Islamic rationality requires that such risk should be minimized in the interest of efficiency if not reduced to zero.

It is obvious that spot settlement of the obligations of both parties would completely prohibit riba, and gharar, and minimize the possibility of speculation. However, this would also imply the absence of any technique of risk management and may involve some practical problems for the participants.

At the other extreme, if the obligations of both the parties are deferred to a future date, then such contracting, in all likelihood, would open up the possibility of infinite unearned gains and losses from what may be rightly termed for the majority of participants as games of chance. Of course, these would also enable the participants to manage risk through complete risk transfer to others and reduce risk to zero. It is this possibility of risk reduction to zero which may enable a participant to earn riba. Future is not a new form of contract. Rather the justification for proscribing it is new. If in a simple primitive economy, it was prevention of gharar relating to delivery of the exchanged article, in todays’ complex financial system and organized exchanges, it is prevention of speculation of kind which is unIslamic and which is possible under excessive gharar involved in forecasting highly volatile exchange rates. Such speculation is not just a possibility, but a reality. The precise motive of an economic unit entering into a future contract – speculation or hedging may not ascertainable ( regulators may monitor end use, but such regulation may not be very practical, nor effective in a free market). Empirical evidence at a macro level, however, indicates the former to be the dominant motive.

The second type of contracting with deferment of obligations of one of the parties to a future date falls between the two extremes. While Sharia scholars have divergent views about its permissibility, our analysis reveals that there is no possibility of earning riba with this kind of contracting. The requirement of spot settlement of obligations of atleast one party imposes a natural curb on speculation, though the room for speculation is greater than under the first form of contracting. The requirement amounts to imposition of a hundred percent margin which, in all probability, would drive away the uninformed speculator from the market. This should force the speculator to be a little more sure of his expectations by being more informed. When speculation is based on information it is not only permissible, but desirable too. Bai salam would also enable the participants to manage risk. At the same time, the requirement of settlement from one end would dampen the tendency of many participants to seek a complete transfer of perceived risk and encourage them to make a realistic assessment of the actual risk. .
Notes & References
1. These diverse views are reflected in the papers presented at the Fourth Fiqh Seminar organized by the Islamic Fiqh Academy, India in 1991 which were subsequently published in Majalla Fiqh Islami, part 4 by the Academy. The discussion on riba prohibition draws on these views.

2. Nabil Saleh, Unlawful gain and Legitimate Profit in Islamic Law, Graham and Trotman, London, 1992, p.16

3. Ibn Qudama, al-Mughni, vol.4, pp.5-9

4. Shams al Din al Sarakhsi, al-Mabsut, vol 14, pp 24-25

5. Paper presented by Abdul Azim Islahi at the Fourth Fiqh Seminar organized by Islamic Fiqh Academy, India in 1991.

6. Paper by Dr M N Siddiqui highlighting the issue was circulated among all leading Fiqh scholars by the Islamic Fiqh Academy, India for their views and was the main theme of deliberations during the session on Currency Exchange at the Fourth Fiqh Seminar held in 1991.

7. It is contended by some that the above example may be modified to show the possibility of riba with spot settlement too. “In a given moment in time when the market rate of exchange between dollar and rupee is 1:20, if an individual purchases $50 at the rate of 1:22 (settlement of his obligation also on a spot basis), then it amounts to the seller of dollars exchanging $50 with $55 on a spot basis (Since, he can obtain Rs 1100 now, exchange them for $55 at spot rate of 1:20)” Thus, spot settlement can also be a clear source of riba. Does this imply that spot settlement should be proscribed too ? The fallacy in the above and earlier examples is that there is no single contract but multiple contracts of exchange occurring at different points in time (true even in the above case). Riba can be earned only when the spot rate of 1:20 is fixed during the time interval between the transactions. This assumption is, needless to say, unrealistic and if imposed artificially, perhaps unIslamic.

8. Islam envisages a free market where prices are determined by forces of demand and supply. There should be no interference in the price formation process even by the regulators. While price control and fixation is generally accepted as unIslamic, some scholars, such as, Ibn Taimiya do admit of its permissibility. However, such permissibility is subject to the condition that price fixation is intended to combat cases of market anomalies caused by impairing the conditions of free competition. If market conditions are normal, forces of demand and supply should be allowed a free play in determination of prices.

9. Some Islamic scholars use the term forward to connote a salam sale. However, we use this term in the conventional sense where the obligations of both parties are deferred to a future date and hence, are similar to futures in this sense. The latter however, are standardized contracts and are traded on an organized Futures Exchange while the former are specific to the requirements of the buyer and seller.

10. This is known as bai al inah which is considered forbidden by almost all scholars with the exception of Imam Shafii. Followers of the same school, such as Al Nawawi do not consider it Islamically permissible.

11. It should be noted that modern finance theories also distinguish between conditions of risk and uncertainty and assert that rational decision making is possible only under conditions of risk and not under conditions of uncertainty. Conditions of risk refer to a situation where it is possible with the help of available data to estimate all possible outcomes and their corresponding probabilities, or develop the ex-ante probability distribution. Under conditions of uncertainty, no such exercise is possible. The definition of gharar, Real-life situations, of course, fall somewhere in the continuum of risk and uncertainty.

12. The following traditions underscore the need to avoid contracts involving uncertainty.

Ibn Abbas reported that when Allah’s prophet (pbuh) came to Medina, they were paying one and two years advance for fruits, so he said: “Those who pay in advance for any thing must do so for a specified weight and for a definite time”.

It is reported on the authority of Ibn Umar that the Messenger of Allah (pbuh) forbade the transaction called habal al-habala whereby a man bought a she-camel which was to be the off-spring of a she-camel and which was still in its mother’s womb.

13. According to a tradition reported by Abu Huraira, Allah’s Messenger (pbuh) forbade a transaction determined by throwing stones, and the type which involves some uncertainty.

The form of gambling most popular to Arabs was gambling by casting lots by means of arrows, on the principle of lottery, for division of carcass of slaughtered animals. The carcass was divided into unequal parts and marked arrows were drawn from a bag. One received a large or small share depending on the mark on the arrow drawn. Obviously it was a pure game of chance.

14. The holy prophet is reported to have said ” Do not sell what is not with you”

Ibn Abbas reported that the prophet said: “He who buys foodstuff should not sell it until he has taken possession of it.” Ibn Abbas said: “I think it applies to all other things as well”.

15. The Futures Exchange performs an important function of providing a guarantee for delivery by all parties to the contract. It serves as the counterparty in the exchange for both, that is, as the buyer for the sale and as the seller for the purchase.

16. M Hashim Kamali “Islamic Commercial Law: An Analysis of Futures”, The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, vol.13, no.2, 1996

Send Your Comments to: Dr Mohammed Obaidullah, Xavier Institute of Management, Bhubaneswar 751 013, India
Mail to: obeid@ximb.stpbh.soft.net
Source: http://vlib.unitarklj1.edu.my/htm/islamforex.htm


Why Islamic banking?

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Islamic banking is based on Sharia that prohibits ‘riba’. According to religious scholars it means both usury and interest, and ‘gharar’, that signifies ambiguity, uncertainty, or lack of specificity in terms of a financial contract.

These financial transactions within the Islamic banking are based on a culturally-distinct, ethical and moral principles as investments/trading involving alcohol, gambling, pork etc. are prohibited. In 1975, the world’s first full-fledged Islamic bank was formed in Dubai.

A review of the literature on Islamic banks reveals that these promote greater business stability as this system matches the payment obligations of the entrepreneur with the revenues that he acquires from his transactions. This is made possible when the obligation to pay back the funds acquired from the banker and the profit is related to the realisation of profits in the project in which funds are invested.

Islamic banking is more efficient in that it allocates funds capable of being invested on the basis of productivity of projects rather than on the creditworthiness of those who own the projects, as is the case in conventional banking.

Islamic banking is less prone to inflation and much less vulnerable to speculation. The increasing prevalence of inflation and speculation in today’s business environment cannot be ignored particularly when banks are using debt instruments as money substitutes, making speculation on debt instruments inevitable. AndIslamic banking is been as the only flexible alternative in the face of global recession. Islamic banks are prudent when it comes to leveraging their assets to invest in capital too.

The typical leverage ratio of assets to capital was over 20:1 in the US (Lehman’s leveraged around 30:1 before bankruptcy) and over 30:1 in Europe compared to below 10:1 in the Middle East and North Africa. This practice has enabled Islamic banks to recapitalise their operations in the wake of financial turbulence.

Another such example is Ireland’s Blue Ocean Wireless which supplies wireless communications for merchant shipping. When the company got a $25 million loan in December 2008, it came from what might seem an unusual source: the Bank of London and the Middle East, or BLME, which strictly follows Sharia rather than conventional western banking practices.

While recognising the benefits of the Islamic banking, its disadvantages in the modern era cannot be ignored. First, the profit-and-loss sharing (PLS) modes of financing are not the dominant part ofIslamic banking as in the case of other forms of conventional banking, the difference between these two types of banking is largely illusory.

This is demonstrated by the fact that commercial banking and company laws appropriate for the enforcement of Islamic banking and financial contracts do not exist in many countries. Second, in PLS modes of finance, there exist potentially exorbitant costs of continuing auditing of the enormous number of PLS partnerships. In contrast to Islamic banks, the costs associated with assessing the creditworthiness of a few borrowers paying a fixed interest rate in conventional banks are low.

If creditworthiness is not of a concern for Islamic banks then the question arises as to how they will decide between two diverse customers with varying but still significant financial needs as, for instance, between lending to an old client who wants to pay for his daughter’s wedding and lending to a new client who wants to fund his child’s education.

Islamic banks have over 60 per cent excess liquid funds which cannot be properly utilised due to non-availability of Sharia-compliant products and services. A committee of Muslim scholars called the “Sharia Committee” usually determines whether a product or practice complies with Islamic law. This requirement applies to western competitors wishing to enterIslamic banking, too. It is a challenge though, since Sharia banking scholars are in short supply.

Despite the hurdles faced by Islamic banks and their clients, Islamic banking is growing and drawing attention of institutions the world over. One of the main driving forces being the income Arab countries are obtaining from the exploitation of the abundant oil resources. Nowadays, major establishments such as Al Rajhi Bank of Saudi Arabia, the Kuwait Finance House, and Malaysia’s Maybank Islamic compete with western financial institutions such as Barclays, HSBC and Deutsche Bank.

Several banks have set up separate Islamic financial services departments in their home markets as well. For instance, in the UK, the Financial Services Authority has introduced regulatory standards for Islamic financial products and has a separate department dealing with Islamic financial institutions. Surprisingly, non-Muslims make up as much as half of Islamic bank customers in some cases. There is a huge potential forIslamic banking.

Article originally published in the Daily Dawn.

Article courtesy of Daily Dawn

UNIVERSALISING ISLAMIC FINANCE! Let’s embrace Islamic banking and finance

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It is reported that the Kerala state government is all set to tap the investments from the Middle-East region through the Islamic finance route. It is also reported that the centre has yet not given a nod for Islamic banking, though it has been under deliberation for long. Though there are challenges in creating an enabling framework for Islamic banking, given the conventional banking regulations, but then some kind of proactive thinking is required for opening doors for Islamic finance, knowing well that it has done wonders in the other parts of the world.

It is a known fact that Islamic finance is governed by Sharia, and is known to be conservative with its philosophy. Under Sharia, interest income is not permitted and along with that the funds cannot be used for speculation, alcohol and a few other sectors. This is still fine, but the biggest diversion of Islamic banking from the conventional Indian banking is that the former does not just lend, but becomes an equity partner in the project, sharing both the profits and losses, whatever might be the case. Another activity which defines Islamic banking is that the banks can engage in trading, purchase and resale of properties and investment and various other activities, which is not permissible under the Indian Banking Regulation Act, 1949. Along with this, there are constraints as the bank rate — maintenance of Cash Reserve Ratio (CRR) and Statutory Liquidity Ratio (SLR) as per the provisions of Banking Regulation Act, 1949, involve the concept of interest, which is not permissible under Sharia Act. All in all, there are challenges but then just like there are separate regulations for Non-Banking Financial Companies (popularly known as NBFCs) in India, similar provisions can be created to cull out Islamic banking and
finance within the country.

But then — as per few experts opinion, if being conservative is an issue then in that case the scheduled commercial banks in India are no less. That is the reason probably that the current NPA or the Nonperforming Assets of most banks on an average is almost negligible and that is also the reason that Indian banks are by far immune to global crises. But then with the growing needs from Indian industry and overall infrastructural development, Indian banks can only do that much. Knowing the fact that how Islamic finance have done wonders to economies like Malaysia and Indonesia. Not just that, Islamic banking is popular in the US too — so much so that as of 2009, it has been home to at least 19 odd providers of Islamic banking products and services including retail banking, investment banking, mortgages services, to name a few.

The fact is, Islamic finance can do wonders, particularly in a country like India. As such culturally, the Sharia philosophy is not much departed from Indian ethos, but more than that if India can go ahead and create provisions for Islamic funds then, the later would find an worthy investment destination, as India has a huge investment appetite for years to come and more than that returns on investment are relatively higher when compared to other parts of the world. Moreover, Indian industrial borrowers’ mindset has been attuned to conservative borrowing which makes the investment/lending option even safer. Not just this, with growing political and financial unrest in the Middle-East region, Islamic finance can find a safe heaven within India.

In addition to all this, provisioning of Islamic banking would also open a window of opportunity for Indian banks, as they can then mobilise funds from regions like Middle-East and invest in India, which is currently nor permitted. It is my own personal experience that there are a lot of investors who are sitting on the fence, across the Middle-East region, eager to invest in India, particularly the Indian real estate, but then they are waiting for an able partner who can effectively mobilise their funds through the Islamic banking route. It is needless to state that Islamic finance pose a huge opportunity and we should be proactively thinking in provisioning the same within the country. Post 9/11, petro-dollars are actively eyeing for a safe investment destination as they have been extremely apprehensive about investing in the US. And this is the opportunity that India should avail, given the fact that as a destination its economic scenario is not just safe but vibrant. It has been reported that France has already amended its laws to issue sukuk (Islamic bond) of one billion euro. Also Indonesia has launched its dollar sukuk earlier this year, which was hugely successful. And lastly if most developed countries like UK, Japan, Singapore and Hong Kong have embraced Islamic finance and banking, then what are we waiting for?

Link: http://prasoonsmajumdar.blogspot.com/2009/12/universalising-islamic-finance.htmlJustify Full

KFH-Bahrain wins top Islamic finance award

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Kuwait Finance House-Bahrain (KFH-Bahrain) received the "Best Islamic Wealth Management" award at the Islamic Business and Finance Awards 2009 organised by CPI Financial.

"We are proud to receive the 'Best Islamic Wealth Management Award' as it is a manifestation of the hard work and innovation that KFH-Bahrain employees are known for," KFH-Bahrain managing director and chief executive officer Abdulhakeem Alkhayyat said. "The bank employees have successfully developed and structured innovative products and services through "Priority Banking" that meet the requirements of our clients in the area of wealth management.

"Winning this honour is a triumph for the bank's Priority Banking employees and management and it confirms the strength of the products and VIP services offered to the Priority Banking clients." The Islamic Business and Finance Awards were designed to encourage, inspire and reward excellence within the global Islamic business and finance community and they have become the yardstick by which Islamic finance institutions and practitioners across the globe measure themselves. These awards have assumed such significance due to the Islamic Business and Finance magazine's widely recognised position as one of the most respected voices of the industry.

Winners are voted for by the readers of the Islamic Business and Finance magazine and are judged on their merits and performance over the last 12 months. The Islamic Business and Finance Awards were launched in 2005 in response to the phenomenal growth of the Islamic finance industry.

"The 'Best Islamic Wealth Management' Award highlights KFH-Bahrain's achievements in developing its products and services, based on clients' needs for Priority Banking," KFH-Bahrain executive manager Abdul Razak Jawahery added. "With the continuous steady growth in the economy, the number of high net worth individuals in Bahrain and the region is growing at a high rate. "Priority Banking offers a high level of personalised service with superior standards of reliability and confidentiality." One of the main features of KFH-Bahrain Priority Banking is that each client is individually served by a dedicated client relationship manager who is specially trained to address their full financial needs from day-to-day banking to wealth creation.

Priority Banking also provides an extensive range of Sharia-compliant services, which include reduced service charges, preferential rates on foreign currency, and priority on entering into new investment opportunities and products.

Link: http://www.gulf-daily-news.com/NewsDetails.aspx?storyid=267060

Al Salam Bank achieves a Step Ahead in Islamic Products

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Al Salam Bank-Bahrain has scored yet another achievement in innovative Shari'acompliant products by exclusively designing the Takaful-principle-based credit card which came as a result of extensive researches and studies conducted by the Bank's team.

The Bank has successfully obtained the necessary legislative approvals for this
unique product from both the Central Bank of Bahrain and the Bank’s Shari’a Supervisory Board, and is working for its launch shortly. While being a new addition to the Bank's range of innovative products and services, the concept of the Takaful-structured credit card is considered the first of its kind to be introduced globally in the Islamic Banking industry. This concept has fulfilled the original objective of introducing a Shari’a-compliant credit card that offers flexibility, easy implementation, payment terms and fairness to all card holders and yet have features of the conventional credit cards which are available in the market.


Mr Nabeel Al Tattan, Executive Vice President – Head of MENA, stated that “the
current popular Takaful concept in the Islamic financial industry is limited only to the Insurance sector, but, however, ASBB was able to introduce the idea of the Takafulprinciple-based credit card, which provides practical Shari’a-compliant solution to Islamic Banks who have been trying to come up with one for sometime”. He added “there is quite a good reason to go for this Takaful credit card as the structure of the card in terms of contract and banking procedures is considered unique in the sense that it has all features of the conventional credit card and yet being Shari’a-compliant.

The card is designed according to Takaful principle that offers protection, manages the risk of banking from client perspective and provides support to all ASBB clients who utilize this service”. The smart credit card enjoys high security level that protects its users from theft or manipulation as it contains a dynamic mechanism for personal data verification in addition to ease of use at all points of sale.


Al Tattan pointed out that the card holders will benefit from more than 30 million ATM machines and retail shops worldwide, while the security features and benefits of the card would further enhance their confidence and encourage them to use it more without any fear of loss or forgery. The Takaful Credit Card concept is based on cooperation and minimal fee which is different than any fee-based credit cards offered in the market. The surplus of the Takaful credit card fee pool will be paid back to the card holders.


Al Salam Bank-Bahrain has launched recently several Shari'a-compliant products and services to meet its customers’ needs such as Dari property finance, Moteri vehicle finance, Resala SMS notification service, Golden and Platinum Charge Cards, Al Salam Wakala Deposit, Step-up Wakala Deposit and Al Salam Online Banking. Thus, the Bank continuously endeavors to provide diversified innovative products and services in the Islamic Banking Industry to achieve its preset goals within its strategy framework.

Link: http://www.menareport.com/en/business,industry/258258

Are Islamic bonds or sukuks now dead and buried?

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The enormous bad publicity surrounding Nakheel’s $3.5 billion sukuk or Islamic bond repayment this month has exposed these debt instruments as nothing more than unsecured commercial bonds, with no recourse to underlying assets in the event of a default.

There is, of course, an irony in that Nakheel actually repaid its sukuk in full and on time thanks to the last minute intervention of the Abu Dhabi Government which dropped the Dubai Government a $10 billion lifeline.

Bond replaces sukuk

Actually it was a $10 billion conventional bond with interest of four per cent payable over five years. Abu Dhabi did not want another Islamic bond. Traditional bond finance is good enough for the richest city in the Gulf.

This does make it very easy to understand the rights and obligations of the parties. Sukuk come in a confusing number of varieties dressed up in an exotic language only understood by Islamic scholars and they seldom agreed on anything (see the ‘Diminishing musharakah’ above).

Yet in the Oil Boom of the 2000s such was the rush to invest in the Gulf States that nobody worried too much about the small print or the niceties of sukuk. Western bankers were assured that sukuk are just bonds under another name. They took the word of the sellers and ignored any protests from their lawyers.

After the Nakheel bond debacle a great many more questions will be asked about sukuks by both local and international lenders. For anybody trying to actually borrow money they will likely be more of a curse than a blessing, and a reversion back to more conventional financial instruments is clearly going to follow.

There will be exceptions to this rule. Saudi Arabia is the kingdom of the sukuk where all banks are Islamic, and not paying interest is highly profitable when your customers accept it, although the rental payments on sukuk should in theory amount to the same thing.

Financial innovation

Otherwise, it is perfectly normal after a boom period and what might be described as ‘financial innovation’ for there to be a swing back to more conservative banking practices. Lenders will be very particular in their due diligence on sukuk.

Confusingly and very significantly sukuk are asset-based but not asset-backed, so unlike a mortgage-backed security, for example, investors have no security over the asset if the issuer gets into financial difficulties and can not pay up.

No doubt sukuk will continue as a part of Islamic finance but their role in larger scale financing may now be sharply reduced.

Link: http://arabianmoney.net/2009/12/22/are-islamic-bonds-now-dead-and-buried/

Dubai Crisis: Islamic Bonds the Problem? Before and After the Bailout

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By Dr. Zubair Hasan

Professor of Islamic Economics and Finance -( INCEIF ) Malaysia


The government of Abu Dhabi and the UAE Central Bank stepped in with a $10 billion bailout offer for the state-run Dubai World, which has recently been in debt.

Out of the allocated amount, $4.1 billion is meant to take care of the World's immediate debt obligations comprising Shari'ah-compliant bonds (sukuk) of the Nakheel, the property development arm of the company, which was due on December 14, the announcement date.

The company announced to meet its obligation within the next 14 days. The remaining $5.9 billion of the bailout will help meet the obligations to trade creditors and contractors of the Dubai World.

Though it was not an unexpected step, many, including the International Monetary Fund (IMF), hailed the UAE move to address the crisis.

Dubai World had suddenly asked for time from its creditors until the end of May 2010 to repay their loans of about $59 billion.

The announcement caused a quiver in global financial markets. The reason in part was a failure to distinguish between delay and default.

The Bailout

The debacle started with Dubai's booming real estate industry going bust at the start of 2008.


The bailout announcement came in time. It has calmed the nerves, reassuring investors, financial and trade creditors, employees, and common people that the government will always act to uphold the market principles and globally acceptable business practices.

Stock markets have since turned their tails up. The US dollar looked up against the Yen; the Euro rode on the back of both.The yen fell sharply against other currencies on the news, and the dollar shot up to 88.90 yen and the euro also jumped to 130.43 yen. Asian credit default swaps tightened after the news, and risk appetite got boosted.

When Dubai World declared postponing payments on $26 billion in debt, the Dow Jones Industrial Average fell 155 points, or 1.5 percent, European stocks dropped, and oil prices plunged.

Dubai economy was initially raised on petrodollars, but the fast-dwindling reserves of the Emirate helped it to diversify its economy.

The Emirate (Dubai) decided to develop service and tourism sectors, and it has positioned itself as an international finance, trading, and sports center.

High-rise buildings, grand hotels, and luxury resorts soon dotted the land all around.
Property prices were at a full gallop until the close of 2006. Then the tide of global crisis has also reached this tiny outpost.

The debacle started with Dubai's booming real estate industry going bust at the start of 2008.

In an exuberant market, competition created excess supply, property prices crashed — the average fall being around 40 percent of their value in 2009 alone, takers are thinning, and profit margins are vanishing.

The abrupt declaration on November 26 by Dubai government asking the creditors to reschedule repayment made the financial world panic, and shares went tumbling across the world.

The reaction was sharper in the West as boom Dubai was heavily financed by foreign funds, especially from the European banks like the Royal Bank of Scotland (RBS) and Standard Chartered.Four British banks( HSBC, Lloyds, RBS, and Standard Chartered) are said to have exposure of $5bn to Dubai World.

Developing countries did not express much concern. India feared the unemployment that the crisis could cause to its workers in Dubai, but the overall feel was that mountain was being made out of molehill.

The Rupee amount involved was small, and the exposure of the Indian banking system to Dubai was limited.

Sukuk's Security

Dubai was in part a victim of global meltdown and was in part overtaken by unguarded optimism and mismanagement.
Sukuk have been under cloud since the time Taqi Usmani, a prominent scholar on Islamic economy, questioned that their Shari'ah compliance in most cases (85 percent) slows down sukuk's popularity.

One consequence is that experts tend to tell about whatever adversity they find in sukuk. Dubai crisis has been no exception. Most comments, including some coming from the more sober academic world, contained disproportionate voicing of alarm and warning on the role of the Islamic bonds in Dubai turmoil.

The reason why sukuk attracted in the crisis the attention of the market was that their payment due on December 14 was the center of time-resetting negotiations; Islamic bonds, so to say, triggered the crisis.

The government announcement of its intention to enforce payment rescheduling immediately led both Moody's and Standard services to heavily downgrade the bonds — let alone sukuk — of various government-related entities in Dubai.

A more realistic approach could not have missed the point that the amount due was no more than 6 to 7 percent of the total money involved, and failure has not yet taken place.

Rating agencies could have shown little restraint in their decisions. They wield enormous power in the global bond markets, and they can literally force any government regarding debt issues.

There are increasing murmurs as to why these agencies are allowed to continue rating debt issues.

As bond issuers themselves have to pay for the evaluation exercise, there candidly is scope for the ratings moving in tandem with the payments.

It is not very clear what rules of conduct these agencies follow, who design these rules, and who oversees their observance. There is presumably a case for setting up regulatory frameworks for the rating agencies even for establishing separate ones for Islamic bonds.

Important Aspecsts

Sukuk was not so much the issue in Dubai crisis as some have tried to make it.
Some analysts see the Dubai fiasco from a historical angle; to them, the causes of Dubai turmoil were noticed the moment Sheikh Mohammad Al-Maktoum, its ruler, took the decision to invest his, as also the Emirate's, wealth in US real estate markets through the foreign arm of Emaar; the second largest property developer in Dubai.

The company ultimately went bankrupt, extending the US subprime crisis to the Emirate.
The Washington DC and Abu Dhabi connection has pressured Dubai to join the "international community" in taking a tougher stance against Iran,which is one of the main trade partners of the Emirate.

Dubai has also decided to enact an insolvency law on the US-British model to provide protection to local companies, like the World, from its creditors.

Abu Dhabi may also be looking for some concessions from Dubai in return for its bailout. It may, for instance, seek concessions on trade with Iran and on the future of the Emirates Airline.

Sukuk was not so much the issue in Dubai crisis as some have tried to make it. Sukuk market remained calm and unaffected across countries, including the leading market of Malaysia. Dubai was in part a victim of global meltdown and was in part overtaken by unguarded optimism and mismanagement.

The crisis has compromised Dubai's reputation as an economic power house in the region it may find difficult to retrieve. It still faces the daunting task of restructuring the remaining $22 billion of Dubai World's debts.

Important the issue is what is going to be the fate of Dubai's huge investments sunk in high-value property mostly in anticipation of foreign demand, especially from the West.

The future is quite uncertain, if not bleak. The Emirate must proceed with caution.

Link: http://www.islamonline.net/servlet/Satellite?c=Article_C&cid=1260258086411&pagename=Zone-English-Muslim_Affairs%2FMAELayout

Huge growth potential seen for Takaful market

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A leading industry expert has predicted a huge growth potential for Qatar’s Takaful (Islamic insurance) market, estimating its annual growth at 25%.

Dr Ali Mohayeddin al-Qaradaghi, a professor of Islamic jurisprudence at Qatar University, said that the local Islamic insurance market has lots of expansion opportunities since “every policy holders with the conventional insurance firms is willing to turn to the Takaful scheme”.

“I believe that the Takaful market is very active. Before ten years, we had only one Islamic insurer, now we have three big companies and other Islamic branches launched by local conventional insurers,” Dr al-Qaradaghi stated.

He was delivering a lecture on Monday for the staff and managers of the Al Khaleej Insurance and Reinsurance company, the recent conventional insurer to switch to the Islamic system.

Dr al-Qaradaghi said the Islamic Takaful scheme is “totally different” from the conventional insurance, which he said, involve prohibited practices by Islam.

“Securing the needs of people and reaching them out in difficult times like accidents and death is one of the Islamic principles.

This should be the responsibility of the country, but as countries do not do it, then individuals should take it over through Takaful companies,” he said.

About the Islamic insurance, the scholar explained that although policy holders at any Islamic insurance would pay a contribution, which he said was the equivalent of the premium in conventional system, they will be sharing the surplus made by the company at the end of the year.

“The big difference between the two schemes is that the surplus in Islamic system should be divided among the policy holders who retrieve an amount ranging from 1% to 20% of their earlier contributions,” he added.
He also hailed the decision of Al Khaleej insurance and reinsurance to switch to the Islamic system, saying that both shareholders and policy holders will benefit from the company’s step.

The Al Khaleej Insurance and Reinsurance’s chairman, HE Sheikh Abdullah bin Mohamed bin Jabor al-Thani said, in a speech, that his company, which is set to impark on its activities according to the Takaful system from January first next year, seeks to be a leading player in the Islamic insurance industry in the country.

“We promise our clients that we keep offering them the best products and services they need. In Islamic insurance, the main focus is not the profit, but rather to address risks and alleviate their impacts,”
The scholar also estimated the annual Zakat that should be given by banks and companies listed in region’s stock markets at $100bn, which he said, can tackle the poverty problem in the world if invested in aid programmes.

“Based on a recent study I made, I calculated the value of the Zakat due by companies and banks in Gulf and other Islamic states can make $200bn. If this amount was properly invested through a ten-year plan to eradicate poverty, there would be no more poor people who starved to death around the world,” he added.

Link: http://www.gulf-times.com/site/topics/article.asp?cu_no=2&item_no=333454&version=1&template_id=36&parent_id=16

Best Domestic Middle East Islamic Bank award for Doha Islamic

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Doha Islamic has been adjudged as the  Best Domestic Islamic bank in the Middle East - 2009. The accolade was conferred by the prestigious Banker Middle East Awards 2009 for excellence in a glittering ceremony held at Emirates Tower Hotel, Dubai. The ceremony was attended by elite gathering of government officials, academicians, regulators, dignitaries and senior bankers.

The award conferred on Doha Islamic is in recognition of the trust and confidence by the local financial services community and an acknowledgement of Doha Islamic’s customer centric approach and progressive outlook committed in providing one-stop-financial service experience to its ever expanding customer base.

Doha Islamic commenced its banking operations on June 15, 2005. Nowadays, Doha Islamic has a network of five branches in Qatar and dedicated in providing new and innovative Islamic banking products and services. This award reflects the continuous growth of Doha Islamic and efforts in excelling within the Islamic Banking industry noting that the total assets has reached $880m within a span of three years. Doha Islamic provides financial corporate solutions to finance new and existing business, in order to make it grow and prosper, be it for specific commercial commodities, production materials or infrastructure. Furthermore, an array of products and services, tailored to meet customers  financial needs, are available at Doha Islamic and are supported by a team of highly qualified Consumer Finance representatives.

Sheikh Fahad bin Mohammad bin Jabor Al Thani, Chairman Doha Bank, said: “Doha Islamic is taking many strategic initiatives to provide the best value to our customers, our stakeholders and to our society at large. Our dedicated team of professionals has consistently set high standards in performance, innovation, security and quality, being the hallmarks of Doha Islamic, in this highly competitive market. It will be our ongoing challenge to manage and sustain these strengths and Doha Islamic is proactively enhancing these in the current year.

Yousuf Hashim Al Yousuf, Acting Head Doha Islamic while receiving the award said: “It is the Doha Islamic’s Board’s visionary and participative leadership philosophy, which has taken Doha Islamic to newer heights. The bank has been completely transformed into a dynamic entity with strong values and customer-centric approach. The Board has steered Doha Islamic to become a market pioneer in introducing innovative products and services.

Doha Islamic is determined to build on a solid base by undertaking the necessary restructuring and creating an image, while also enhancing productivity through the employment of state-of-the-art technology. The enhancement of Islamic banking through partnership with other Islamic institutions and the development of a wide range of Islamic products is an integral part of Doha Islamic’s strategy. This step comes in line with the strategy to meet the increasing demand in Islamic banking products and services, and Doha Islamic offerings in particular, from various sectors of the community. As there will be new branches in the pipeline, this will enhance Doha Islamic’s delivery channels across Doha and will increase banking convenience for their customers.

Link: http://www.thepeninsulaqatar.com/Display_news.asp?section=Business_News&subsection=Local+Business&month=December2009&file=Business_News2009122191813.xml

ITS Named ‘Best Technology Provider’ at Islamic Business and Finance Awards

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Al-Said:- The Award is new achievement for our strategy to offer Solutions for Islamic Banks.

International Turnkey Systems Group (ITS), a leading ICT (Information Communication Technology) provider, announced today that it has been named the ‘Best Technology Provider’ of the year at the Islamic Business and Finance Award ceremony. The Award is a testament to ITS continued pioneering position in the Islamic Banking technology solutions field of business.

The Islamic Business & Finance Awards have been designed to recognize and reward excellence throughout the global Islamic Finance community. They honor Islamic Financial institutions from around the world and emphasize on the importance and growth of Islamic finance.

Khalid Faraj Al-Said, Managing Director and General Manager of ITS, accepted the award during a gala ceremony attended by CEOs, industry professionals and top officials representing several IT firms, banks and financial institutions from the Gulf region and beyond.

“We are proud to receive the Best Islamic Finance Technology Provider Award. This award is recognition of ITS’ strategic vision, management depth and our belief in Islamic banking principles,” said Al-Said. “Over the past year, we have invested heavily in our Sharia-compliant software and solutions. With the current financial crisis, I see a prospering future for Islamic finance as it still promises stability and success in difficult times.”

Al-Said also pointed to the fact that ITS has amassed a large number of awards over the past few years which demonstrates the company’s leadership and innovative spirit in the Islamic banking solutions market. The Islamic Banking market is considered one of the fastest growing economic sectors globally, which makes it one of the most competitive as well.

The Islamic Business & Finance Awards were launched in 2005 in response to the phenomenal growth of the Islamic finance industry.

ITS also walked away victorious at the recently concluded International Islamic Finance Forum Awards when it won the Best IT Solutions Provider to the Islamic Finance Industry at a ceremony honoring the region’s best Islamic finance products and services.

Link: http://www.bobsguide.com/guide/news/2009/Dec/21/ITS_Named_%E2%80%98Best_Technology_Provider%E2%80%99_at_Islamic_Business_and_Finance_Awards.html

The Future of Talent: An Islamic Finance Perspective. by Fuwad Beg, Managing Director, Yasaar Human Capital

| Saturday, December 19, 2009

Although figures vary there is no doubt that the Islamic Finance sector has a predicted growth rate which is unprecedented within the current climate. At the heart of this growth is the necessity to build organisations globally and to capitalise on both the weak economic trust left by the conventional market as well as the resolute appetite from investors to look at the Islamic Finance sector much more favourably; thus fuelling the demand for the development of more products to market.

A direct consequence of this growth and investor appetite is the need for Islamic Finance sector organisations to attract, grow and develop their talent.

Hiring:
Even with this predicted growth, the downside of the current climate is that the majority of the global Islamic Finance sector companies are in a holding pattern when it comes to hiring on general level. Although clearly there is a natural cycle of attrition that is within the market place and although this is inevitable within the Islamic Finance sector it is know where near the attrition rate of the conventional market place.

Even with the flow of candidates from the conventional finance market place to the Islamic one there is a ‘war for talent’ simply because the competencies required are very much finite and it is not always as easy as studying for the IFQ and then jumping straight into an Islamic Finance sector position.

Of course the Islamic Finance sector does need to do its part in developing new talent and hiring new blood into the system but the current roles are focussed towards more senior individuals who have experience within the industry as opposed to the requirements for fresh graduates for example, something which is also currently reflected in the conventional market place.

Nuances:
When hiring within the GCC, for example there are other regional nuances which affect hiring. Due care and attention needs to be taken when hiring candidates that work for affiliated or partner companies, because simply, many company boards are run by a few key individuals which in itself is not a good situation but one which is a current reality. Therefore, when CEO’s try to recruit key individuals, ethics dictate that they really should try to avoid hiring candidates that come from companies which are related to activities of Board members.

Although, in reality it creates a shortage of candidates especially if fresh talent is not being developed within an organisation or the industry in general.

Within South East Asia and in particular within Malaysian, Hong Kong and Singapore market place very few regional nuances actually occur and generally speaking the hiring process in the region very much follows universal norms.

However, it would be foolish to suggest that any region within the Islamic Finance map is without internal stereotypes of one form or another which translates to preferences given by Boards for senior appointments to people who are either natives of the country, friends, brothers etc, etc, but it is certainly far from the equivalent of the political analogy of, ‘smoke filled rooms.’

Simply, the closer and more expansive the network the more chances of getting a job which one would argue is a universal norm and also applies to Islamic Finance.

Competencies:
The competencies of employees that are required by Islamic Finance sector organisations are very much similar to those required by conventional organisations. For example within the banking sector the intricate knowledge of how the industry works, client lists, the ability to sell and market experience is invaluable to any organisation and these pre-requisite norms also apply to the Islamic banking sector, especially as many large conventional banks have Islamic windows and this logic also applies to takaful or re-takaful companies. Potential candidates must possess knowledge of Islamic Finance that is relevant to their job or market, coupled with the usual experience required to perform the job that they are required to do.

However, specific skills such as structuring contracts or products and of course, detailed Shariah services as carried out by scholars, whom are all required to have an in-depth and intricate knowledge of Shariah Law and its implications in order for candidates to execute their job functions correctly and this is applied across all regions, mature or developing.

Human Capital Leadership:
For the leaders at the helm of Islamic Finance sector companies, the responsibility is to foster and develop talent and best practice within their own organisation and the industry as a whole.

Human Capital strategies across the Islamic Finance sector are currently very diverse in effort and nature. In multinational corporate, ‘Islamic windows’ the development and use of human capital strategies which cover talent attraction, development and retention as well as human resource development and training are very much in line with conventional industry standards and such create internal value for both current and future employees and the industry as a whole.

However regions such as the Gulf show us that there are many instances where Islamic Finance and Takaful organisations have not yet been successful in fully developing human capital strategies especially in the area of compensation and benefits.

A recognised framework for comparative salaries and benefits has not been developed across the Gulf and what tends to happen is that some countries and their subsequent organisations pay salaries dependent upon country norms rather than industry norms.

This, on an internal perspective is fine, however, can also be detrimental for a company in the attraction of talent from different Gulf countries as well as on a Global basis and when hiring is essential in the development of the company such strategies pay dividends.

The Far East and in particular Malaysia which is one of the most mature markets within the Islamic Finance sector, looks more towards regional trends as opposed to global trends when it comes to compensation and benefits which are actually on par with other parts of the world.

The Malaysian market also provides an additional attraction to candidates considering the region simply because if they have worked within this maturity level then the experience it provides on a global level is invaluable.

The future:
The old adage goes that, ‘... the future is not ours to see,’ although the predictions for the industry are generally very good. We will most likely see a growth in the amount and types of products available as well as the availability in more geographical areas, which will mean that unless resources are put into training and developing new and existing talent then there will be an even more finite pool of candidates to draw from.

Although HR activity within Islamic Finance sector is developing, it is only fully developed in Islamic Finance windows which have a larger corporate system to extend HR best practice.

In Malaysia there are a variety of HR Acts and a government ministry as well as the forging of best practice through the Malaysian Institute of Human Resources.

Although governments within the GCC are committed to developing human capital its is very much from a national perspective rather than a industry perspective and generally there is not a single voiced regional HR body represented within the GCC, that looks at HR best practice such as the CIPD in the UK.

Conclusion:
As the industry grows the requirements for qualified candidates to enter the market will also increase. As of yet the two biggest markets are the GCC and Malaysia but there are institutions across the globe that are looking at developing Islamic Finance products be it a bond, an index or another vehicle for investment.

Clearly there is a long way before Islamic finance will be on par with conventional finance but one thing that the current climate has show us is, that the industry is certainly here to stay and for people looking to get into the industry although now may not be the best time, it is a viable career option at all levels.

Link: http://www.opalesque.com/OIFI136/Opinion_Column_The_Future_of_Talent_An083.html